PremiumPlus family site
My name is Sansou
and I started this site.
Please sign my guestbook with your thoughts and comments!
This website is dedicated to the memory of my Dad, Conrad Sansoucy and my Grandfather, Edward Sansoucy, Jr. If it wasn't for the countless hours my grandfather put into the research of this Sansoucy line, most of this information wouldn't be here. My Dad in a labor of love wrote down his memoirs as a gift to each one of his children and it is my desire to honor his memory.
If you have any comments or feedback about this site, please click here to contact me. (You are welcome to use the photos I have posted but PLEASE note this website as your reference if you repost them on any other website. It is a common courtesy and I thank you in advance for your cooperation.)
Our family tree is posted online on this site! There are 3874 names in our family site. The earliest event is the birth of Syagria Ferreolo (390). The most recent event is the death of Raymond Albert Latimer (Sep 20 2012).
The site was last updated on Mar 10 2014, and it currently has 36 registered member(s). If you wish to become a member too, please click here. Enjoy!
Mar 06, 2014
|A site member updated her profile.|
Feb 20, 2014
View older news
|Posted by: Sansou
on Aug 9 2013 20:01|
Info from National Post at: http://news.nationalpost.com/2013/07/26/i-cried-at-the-beauty-of-the-land-they-lost-archaeological-dig-connects-acadian-descendants-to-tragic-past/
‘I cried at the beauty of the land they lost’: Archaeological dig connects Acadian descendants to tragic past'
Painting by Lewis ParkExpulsion of the Acadians
The first thing Clara Darbonne did when her car reached the Nova Scotia border was to ask the driver to stop, so she could kiss the ground.
Within hours, she was touching history, joining an archaeological dig to explore the remains of an Acadian homestead in what was known as Village Thibodeau before its inhabitants were forcibly ejected by the British two and a half centuries ago.
“I wanted to put my feet on the soil that my ancestors walked on,” the 75-year-old from the heart of Louisiana’s Cajun Country says in a soft voice, her face beaming. “I was so happy.”
I wanted to put my feet on the soil that my ancestors walked on
But, she adds, there was sadness as well. “I cried at the beauty of the land that they lost.”
That soil still clings to her latex gloves as she takes a break from helping to excavate a farmer’s field near Windsor, N.S. The archaeological dig is giving Ms. Darbonne and other descendants of the Acadians, early French-speaking settlers deported from the province in the 1750s, a rare opportunity to connect with their family’s tragic past.
About 30 members of the Thibodeau clan converged on the Shaw farm from as far away as Florida, Louisiana and California last month.
Dean Jobb photoArchaeologist Sara Beanlands, who organized the dig on the farm that unites the Thibodeaus with her family, the Shaws, holds a fragment of a plate that dates to the 1770s and was likely used by her New England Planter ancestors.
“I feel like it’s a chance of a lifetime, to be here, finding, seeing, touching articles from ancestors, personal items that they’ve used in their lives,” said Stephen Thibodeau, a computer systems engineer from Santa Rosa in California’s Sonoma Valley, as he photographed an array of buttons, rusted nails, shards of china and other treasures coaxed from the ground.
The invitation came from archeologist Sara Beanlands, whose family has farmed the rolling fields overlooking the muddy St. Croix River, about 45 minutes’ drive northwest of Halifax, for seven generations. The 160–hectare spread is now split between her uncles, David and Allen Shaw.
Incredibly, only two families have lived on the property since Pierre Thibodeau arrived in 1690: the Thibodeaus, until the 1755 expulsion by British forces scattered them and thousands of others to seaports in the American colonies to the south; and the Shaws, descendants of New England planters who settled the Acadians’ vacant lands.
Ms. Beanlands has been eager to explore the site for almost a decade, to confirm family stories an Acadian home was still standing on this spot when the Shaws arrived from Rhode Island in 1760.
Courtesy Sara BeanlandsThe Shaw Farm, a farmer's field near Windsor, N.S. Archaeologist Sara Beanlands believes this building, now gone, once stood on the site being excavated and was home to both the Thibodeaus and her New England ancestors, the Shaws.
She suspects her ancestors expanded the building and lived there for many decades before it was moved uphill and became a barn. It was still standing in the 1980s — she remembers playing inside as a child.
“When you think about the long history between the Thibodeaus and the Shaws, it’s quite fitting that at some point we actually lived in the same home,” she says.
This land — and, if she’s right, the remains of a single farmhouse — gives two families and two cultures a shared history that spans more than three centuries.
“I didn’t want to do [the dig] without them because everything that happens here, it’s a shared experience,” adds the 41-year-old bundle of enthusiasm.
“I wanted to come for so long,” says Sister Yvonne Thibodeau, 77, of Tracadie, N.B., a former nurse, as she wields a V-bladed trowel to scrape away soil from a line of foundation stones.
Dean JobbArchaeological dig connects Acadian descendants to their tragic past.
“We’re so grateful to the Shaw family to be able to get on their land.”
Tears glisten in her friend Gisèle Lavoilette’s eyes as she puts her feelings into words.
“It’s like you lost someone and, just by doing this, you’re kind of getting them back,” says the retired teacher from Charlo, N.B., whose Thibodeau ancestors escaped deportation and fled to Quebec, where disease thinned their ranks.
“Just by touching the dirt, it’s like saying, ‘You existed, and we’re sorry it happened and we’re trying to get you back on the map.’ ”
And it was a map — a crude rendering of the area drawn the year after the expulsion — that linked the Thibodeaus to this spot. It shows a cluster of houses identified as “Vil. Tibodeau” at a bend in the river.
.S. Archives and Records ManagementDetail of the 1756 map of the Windsor, N.S. area that led Acadian descendant Dick Thibodeau from Maine to the Shaw farm almost three decades ago. In the lower right-hand section, just above the sharp bend in a river, a cluster of houses is labeled ìVil. Tibodeau.
The sketch led Dick Thibodeau from his home in Kennebunk, Me., to the Shaw farm in the 1980s. Ms. Beanlands, then a teenager, learned of his visit many years later and, together, they have documented the history of the land.
An impromptu gathering of about 150 Thibodeau descendants here in the summer of 2004, when Nova Scotia hosted the World Acadian Congress, cemented ties between the families.
“It’s a little bit overwhelming,” admits Dick Thibodeau, now 79. “Here we are, back together, on the land of our ancestors.”
Distant relations from Pine Hill, Me., Katy, Tex., and Melbourne, Fla., huddle over a patchwork of rectangular trenches on a sunny afternoon. They work with the giddiness of children, teasing one another and shouting with joy each time a new artifact comes to light.
Dean Jobb photoTherese Thibodeau, right, of Kennebunk, Maine, wife of the site's discoverer, Dick Thibodeau, shows off fragments of china she discovered. The eighty-two-year-old was still digging after other family members had called it a day.
Dick Thibodeau’s ancestor, Alexis, lived here and was deported to Pennsylvania, where many exiles died of disease or hunger; his branch of the family wound up in Quebec before settling in Maine.
While other Thibodeaus who joined the dig have no direct connection to the site, they feel the same emotional attachment.
Don Thibodeaux, a former accountant from Baton Rouge, La., (Cajuns — Acadians who migrated to Louisiana after the deportation — add an “x” to the surname), traced his line to a spot near Moncton, N.B., only to discover it’s now a bowling alley parking lot.
Hopefully this site will be remembered as an Acadian site
“So this is my land,” explains the lanky 73-year-old. “Hopefully this site will be remembered as an Acadian site down in history, so future generations can enjoy their heritage.”
The goal of Ms. Beanlands’ work this summer is to flesh out that history. Professional archeologists are overseeing the Thibodeau volunteers for the week-long family portion of the dig, and every artifact will be catalogued, studied and preserved. Some are destined for a display case at the nearby Avon River Heritage Museum.
Jonathan Fowler, a specialist in Acadian archeology, says fragments of china and other objects found so far date to the mid-18th century, and most are likely from the Planter era. But the site has also yielded tell-tale chunks of hardened clay mixed with grass. Rob Ferguson, a retired Parks Canada archeologist helping with the dig, says Acadians used the material to insulate the walls of their homes.
Dean Jobb photoThe Shaw Farm, a farmer's field near Windsor, N.S.
More artifacts from the earlier Thibodeau occupation should be found as digging progresses. They promise a better understanding of the Acadians, who left few written records, and their lost world.
“This kind of research fills in the gaps,” notes Mr. Fowler, a professor at Saint Mary’s University in Halifax.
“The stories that come out of the ground … can really change the way we see history.”
Some Thibodeaus spent a day or two at the dig before moving on to look up relatives and friends or to visit other Acadian sites.
The stories that come out of the ground … can really change the way we see history
Ms. Darbonne, who wore a blue and white bonnet hand-sewn by her mother, a Thibodeaux, as she searched for artifacts, stayed only one day so she could make the most of her first Nova Scotia visit. Others lingered, eager to see what would emerge as their trowels probed deeper into their family’s history.
Theresa Hebert Cronan, a retired college professor and granddaughter of a Thibodeaux, made the trip from Fayetteville, Ark., after learning of the dig from a message posted online. She was startled to meet Louis Mier, who hails from her hometown of Rayne, La., for the first time. She was even more surprised to discover his nephew is married to her niece.
Her first day as an archeologist netted a nail, two fragments of animal bone, a few shards of china — and something else.
“I found a lot of companionship,” she said.
|Posted by: Sansou
on Aug 9 2013 19:52|
Info from Discover Magazine at: http://blogs.discovermagazine.com/gnxp/2011/01/the-genomic-heritage-of-french-canadians/#.Uf3lgGSgl90
The genomic heritage of French Canadians
But what about if you had a whole population with rich robust conventional genealogical records? Combined with the power of the new genomics you could really crank up the level of insight. Where to find these records? A reason that Jewish genetics is so useful and interesting is that there is often a relative dearth of records when it comes to the lineages of American Ashkenazi Jews. Many American Jews even today are often sketchy about the region of the “Old Country” from which their forebears arrived. Jews have been interesting from a genetic perspective because of the relative excess of ethnically distinctive Mendelian disorders within their population. There happens to be another group in North America with the same characteristic: the French Canadians. And importantly, in the French Canadian population you do have copious genealogical records. The origins of this group lay in the 17th and 18th century, and the Roman Catholic Church has often been a punctilious institution when it comes to preserving events under its purview such as baptisms and marriages. The genealogical archives are so robust that last fall a research group input centuries of ancestry for ~2,000 French Canadians, and used it to infer patterns of genetic relationships as a function of geography, as well as long term contribution by provenance. Admixed ancestry and stratification of Quebec regional populations:
Population stratification results from unequal, nonrandom genetic contribution of ancestors and should be reflected in the underlying genealogies. In Quebec, the distribution of Mendelian diseases points to local founder effects suggesting stratification of the contemporary French Canadian gene pool. Here we characterize the population structure through the analysis of the genetic contribution of 7,798 immigrant founders identified in the genealogies of 2,221 subjects partitioned in eight regions. In all but one region, about 90% of gene pools were contributed by early French founders. In the eastern region where this contribution was 76%, we observed higher contributions of Acadians, British and American Loyalists. To detect population stratification from genealogical data, we propose an approach based on principal component analysis (PCA) of immigrant founders’ genetic contributions. This analysis was compared with a multidimensional scaling of pairwise kinship coefficients. Both methods showed evidence of a distinct identity of the northeastern and eastern regions and stratification of the regional populations correlated with geographical location along the St-Lawrence River. In addition, we observed a West-East decreasing gradient of diversity. Analysis of PC-correlated founders illustrates the differential impact of early versus latter founders consistent with specific regional genetic patterns. These results highlight the importance of considering the geographic origin of samples in the design of genetic epidemiology studies conducted in Quebec. Moreover, our results demonstrate that the study of deep ascending genealogies can accurately reveal population structure.
That paper found that nearly 70% of the immigrant founding stock in this data set came directly from France. For the period before 1700 that fraction exceeds 95%. Of the remainder, about 15% of the founding stock were Acadians, who themselves were presumably mostly of French origin. Because of the earlier migration of the French founding stock, they left a stronger impact on future generations:
Much of the difference here is because earlier ancestors in a population which went through demographic expansion would have more of an impact on the nature of the population than later contributors (the earlier ancestors would show up in many more downstream genealogies). But notice that the Amerindians in the pool are a much larger proportion of ancestors than their final genetic contribution (50% of the French Canadians had at least once Amerindian ancestor). I suspect this may be due to differential fertility because of variation in social status by race (i.e., mixed-race French Canadians having lower fertility, perhaps by way of their exclusion from highly fecund elite families), and not just later absorption of Amerindians than French (on the contrary, I suspect that Amerindians were assimilated earlier, not later).
But this research did not look directly at genetics. Rather, these inferences were generated from genealogical records which go back to the founding of Quebec and maintained coherency and integrity from generation to generation. Some of the members of the same research group now have a paper out which looks at the genomics of French Canadians, and directly compares their results to that of the earlier paper. Genomic and genealogical investigation of the French Canadian founder population structure:
Characterizing the genetic structure of worldwide populations is important for understanding human history and is essential to the design and analysis of genetic epidemiological studies. In this study, we examined genetic structure and distant relatedness and their effect on the extent of linkage disequilibrium (LD) and homozygosity in the founder population of Quebec (Canada). In the French Canadian founder population, such analysis can be performed using both genomic and genealogical data. We investigated genetic differences, extent of LD, and homozygosity in 140 individuals from seven sub-populations of Quebec characterized by different demographic histories reflecting complex founder events. Genetic findings from genome-wide single nucleotide polymorphism data were correlated with genealogical information on each of these sub-populations. Our genomic data showed significant population structure and relatedness present in the contemporary Quebec population, also reflected in LD and homozygosity levels. Our extended genealogical data corroborated these findings and indicated that this structure is consistent with the settlement patterns involving several founder events. This provides an independent and complementary validation of genomic-based studies of population structure. Combined genomic and genealogical data in the Quebec founder population provide insights into the effects of the interplay of two important sources of bias in genetic epidemiological studies, unrecognized genetic structure and cryptic relatedness.
In 1760 there were 70,000 residents in the areas of Canada which were under French rule. A substantial fraction of these derived from the much smaller 17th century founding population. Today the number of North Americans with some known French Canadian ancestry numbers around ~10 million. I happen to know an individual whose great-great-grandmother was French Canadian. Using the internet it turned out that I could trace this woman’s ancestry along one line back to the countryside outside of Poitiers in the mid 16th century! Being conservative it seems that at least 5 million North Americans have overwhelming descent from the 1760 founding stock. These are the core French Canadians.
An immediate inference one might make from these background facts, the rapid expansion of the French Canadian ethnic group from a small core founding stock, is that they would have gone through a “population bottleneck.” The data here are mixed. On the one hand, there are particular Mendelian diseases associated with French Canadians. This is evidence of some level of inbreeding which would randomly increase the frequencies of deleterious recessively expressed alleles. And yet as noted in the paper French Canadians do not seem to have lower genetic diversity than the parental stock of French in the HGDP data set. Why? Because to go through a population bottleneck which is genetically significant you need a very small window of census size indeed. Tens of thousands is sufficiently large enough to preserve most of the genetic variation in the founder population which is not private to families. The sort of genetic polymorphisms which might have been typed for in widely distributed SNP chips.
But that’s not the end of the story. Though French Canadians don’t seem exhibit the hallmarks of having gone through an extreme population bottleneck as an aggregate, it turns out that in the populations surveyed there was evidence of substructure. The map to the left shows you the regions where the samples were drawn. Unlike the earlier study the sample size is smaller; this is a nod to the difference between a purely genealogical study and a genomic one. There needs to be money and time invested in typing individuals. Relatively public genealogical records are a different matter. Apparently the Gaspesia sample population were from a relatively later settlement. The urban samples naturally include descendants of local French Canadians, as well as rural to urban transplants.
As one would expect the French Canadian sample clustered with the CEU (Utah whites from the HapMap) and French (from the HGDP) in the world wide PCA. And not surprisingly they exhibited smaller genetic distance to the French than to the Utah whites (who were of mostly British extraction). Using Fst, which measures the extent of genetic variance partitioning between populations, the values from the aggregate French Canadian sample to the CEU sample was 0.0014 and to the French HGDP sample was 0.00078. The Montreal French Canadian group exhibited values of 0.0020 and 0.0012. But, it is important to observe that there was statistically significant differences between the various French Canadian populations as well (excluding the Montreal-Quebec City pairing). This may explain the existence of particular Mendelian diseases in the French Canadian population despite their lack of reduced genetic variation: there’s localized pockets of inbreeding which are not smoked out by looking at total variation statistics. Additionally, the authors conclude that not taking this substructure into account in medical genetics could lead to false positives. Inter-population differences in disease susceptibilities correlated with genome-wide differences in allele frequencies could produce spurious associations.
The population substructure can also be elucidated by extraction of the independent components of variance on a plot, as you can see to the left. Panel A represents PCA of genomic data, while panel B is an MDS derived from genealogical data. The gist here is that you’re seeing the two biggest independent dimensions of variance each data set (these dimensions explain only a few percent of the total variance). Each individual color represents a French Canadian subpopulation. It is clear that there is substructure. Individuals from each group tend to cluster with individuals from their own subpopulation. The authors take this to confirm the Fst values earlier. But to me another interesting aspect is the difference between the genomic and genealogical visualizations. The genealogical visualization looks far “cleaner” to me than the genomic visualization. Why? Genealogical records are imperfect. The rough congruence validates that the Roman Catholic Church in Quebec didn’t make records out of whole cloth, but there were likely fudges, guesses, and deceptions on the margins. One thing to remember is that even if some of the difference is due to issues with paternity, much of that sort of thing would still be within population. Of course I’m looking at this somewhat glass-half-empty. The rough congruency could be seen as a validation of the robustness of the record-keeping of French Canadian institutions over all these centuries. When there isn’t genetic data, one can use genealogical data as a substitute. At least to a rough approximation.
In the final section the paper notes that there are some peculiarities n the genetics of the French Canadians which do indicate some level of genetic homogeneity, at least by locality. To explore this issue they focus on two genomic phenomena which measure correlations of alleles, genetic variations, over spans of the genome within populations. The two phenomena are linkage disequilibrium, which measures association across loci of particular variants, and runs-of-homozygosity, which highlights genomic regions where homozygosity seems enriched beyond expectation (the former is inter-locus, while the latter is intra-locus). Both of these values could be indicators of some level of population bottleneck or substructure, where stochastic evolutionary forces shift a population away from equilibrium as measured by the balance of parameters such as drift, selection, and mutation.
To the right is a mashup of figures 5 and 6. On the left you have a figure which shows the extent of linkage disequilibrium as a function of distance between SNP. As you would expect the greater the distance between two SNPs, the more likely they’re to be in equilibrium as recombination has broken apart associations. The closer and closer two markers, the more likely they’re to be linked, physically and statistically. But there’s a difference between the two LD plots. There’s no difference between the CEU and French Canadian samples in the top panel, but there is in the bottom one. Why? The bottom panel shows LD between markers much further apart. Acadians in particular seem to exhibit more long distance LD than the other populations. This may be a sign of a population bottleneck and inbreeding. Also, please note that the Utah white CEU sample is probably relatively similar to the French Canadians in its demographic history as North American groups go. It is homogeneous and expanded rapidly from a small founder group. To the right you have in the top panel total length of ROH per individual, and the bottom length of ROH greater than 1 MB. Again, the Acadians seem to be standouts in terms of their difference from the CEU reference. Interestingly, there’s no difference between CEU, French, and the two French Canadian urban samples. I suspect this is due to the fact that in Montreal and Quebec City the distinctive inbreeding found in the other samples has been eliminated through intermarriage. ROH disappear when you introduce heterozygosity through outbreeding.
What has all this told us? From a medical genetic perspective it is implying that population structure matters when evaluating French Canadians, an Acadian is not interchangeable with a native of Montreal. In terms of ethnically clustered diseases of French Canadians, in the USA the Cajuns, it may not be that there are patterns across the whole ethnic group, but trends within subgroups characterized by long-term endogamy. I wonder if the same might be true of Ashkenazi. Is there is a difference between Galicians and Litvaks? Such regional differences among European Jews are new, but the French Canadians themselves are the result of the past three centuries. These results also seem to reinforce the Frenchness of the French Canadians. Years ago I skimmed a book on the cultural history of the people of Quebec, and the author went to great lengths to emphasize the amalgamative power of the French Catholic identity in Canada. Arguing that to some extent the roots of the community in the colonial era was something of an overblown myth. These results come close to rejecting that view. In particular the first paper, which shows the disproportionate impact that earlier settler waves have on the long term demographics of a population. A group which one could analyze in a similar vein would be the Boers, who are an amalgam of French Protestants, Dutch, and Germans, but seem to exhibit a dominance of the Dutch element culturally.
Finally, the French Canadians may give us a small window in the long term demographic patterns and genetic dynamics which might be operative on a nearby ethnic group: the Puritans of New England. Because of their fecundity it seems likely that tens of millions of Americans today descend from the 30,000 or so English settlers who arrived in New England in the two decades between 1620 and 1640. This is the subject of the Great Migration Project. With numbers in the few tens of thousands it seems unlikely that much of a thorough population bottleneck occurred with this group in a genetic sense in the aggregate. But the results from the French Canadians indicate that isolated groups can be subject to stochastic dynamics, and develop in their own peculiar directions.
Citation:Bherer C, Labuda D, Roy-Gagnon MH, Houde L, Tremblay M, & Vézina H (2010). Admixed ancestry and stratification of Quebec regional populations. American journal of physical anthropology PMID: 21069878
Citation:Roy-Gagnon MH, Moreau C, Bherer C, St-Onge P, Sinnett D, Laprise C, Vézina H, & Labuda D (2011). Genomic and genealogical investigation of the French Canadian founder population structure. Human genetics PMID: 21234765
|Posted by: Sansou
on Mar 29 2013 09:30|
Well, well...looks like we may have had a SPY in our linage. Interesting article about one of our ancestors, Louis ALLAIN (Linage of our Great, Great grandmother on Sansoucy side)
French Espionage in Colonial Wells
Less than 100 families lived in Wells when blacksmith, Louis Allain arrived from France around 1684. The colonists probably received him with some trepidation, given the alliance between his countrymen in Canada and the Indians that had plagued them, off and on, for a decade. Little did they know that Allain would one day use their acquaintance to spy for the Governor of l’Acadie.
French Protestants or Huguenots fled religious persecution in France during the reign of King Louis XIV, many of them settling in New England. Louis Allain’s indentured apprentice, Anthony Coombs, was a Huguenot. Louis, himself may also have represented himself as such to the people of Wells. He would later prove his loyalty was really to his pocketbook.
At thirty years old, Allain was already a man of means. He purchased ½ of Samuel Storer’s Cape Neddick-built brigantine, Endeavor, in August of 1685. A month later, he purchased a mill on the western bank of the Little River, lots on both sides of the river and the home of William Frost.
Territorial tensions grew between the colonists from France and England and between the Indian tribes allied to both monarchies. Allain decided to move to Port Royal, Nova Scotia, leaving Anthony Coombs behind to protect his Wells property.
In 1687, he obtained permission to build windmills along the river that has since been known as Allain’s River. He raised a family there and his fortunes grew. Within a few years Louis owned a grain mill, a saw mill, a store and several coasting vessels that made regular trading voyages to the English city of Boston. He and his partner shipped lumber and flour from their mills in Port Royal and brought back Boston goods to sell to their Acadian customers. Andre Faneuil, the wealthy Boston Huguenot whose fortune financed the building of Faneuil Hall, traded regularly with the Acadians, even as Governor William Phipps burned Port Royalin 1690. When the legality of their trading arrangement was questioned, Allain and other Acadian businessmen declared their allegiance to the English King. At the same time they were supplying the French Navy with mast timbers.
Indians attacked the villages along the York County coast in 1703. It was a horrible year for Wells. Thirty-nine of her inhabitants were either killed or made prisoner.
The following Spring Colonel Benjamin Church led an expedition through Penobscot, Passamaquoddy and the Bay of Fundy, collecting French prisoners and Indian scalps for bounty along the way. Under orders from Massachusetts Governor Dudley, he left Port Royal unscathed. Some people of Massachusetts, including Puritan minister Cotton Mather, suspected that Dudley was trying to preserve illegal trade between Boston and Nova Scotia.
Feeding prisoners of war became expensive for both the French and the English. An agreement was made to exchange prisoners in 1705. Allain and his business partner, who were fluent in English and familiar with Boston, were sent to seal the deal. According to the September 10, 1705 issue of the “Boston News-letter”, Allain arrived in Boston on the 20th of August under a flag of truce, with the signed agreement. He returned to Port Royal at the end of September carrying a few French prisoners back as a show of good faith. A January 1706 report in the same paper indicates that he sailed again for Massachusetts a few months later.
“On Thursday last the 26th day of December there arrived at Nanguncket [Ogunquit] near to Wells in the Province of Maine, A Flag of Truce from Port-Royal with 34 English Prisoners.”
E.E. Bourne writes in his “History of Wells” that Lewis Allen came to Wells under the Flag of Truce and was authorized to trade prisoners. The people of Wells were immediately suspicious of the Frenchman’s motives and searched his pocketbook. In it, they found incriminating instructions for Allain to report, to the French Governor of Acadia, any efforts underway to fortify Wells against the Indians.
“If any enterprise was afoot that he should join L.A. the two first letters of his name, close together. If it was only in agitation, place them at some distance; but if nothing was in motion, then to sign a cross.”
Allain was clasped in irons and sent to Bostonto be dealt with. In a surprising twist that Bourne does not reveal, Governor Dudley released Allain. He made some excuse about owing Louis his life and sent him back to Port Royal to continue his lucrative lumber and flour trade.
Anthony Coombs, whose indenture expired, had long since deserted Allain’s Wells mill on the Little River. Louis hired his “trusty and well-beloved friend Lewis Bane of York,” (who had represented the English in treaty negotiations at Port Royal) to recover his title to the Wells property. Bane eventually bought the property from him in 1720 and Louis boldly appeared at the courthouse in Biddeford to acknowledge the instrument May 9, 1733. When he died in Port Royal several years later Louis Allain was one of the richest men in town.
|Posted by: Sansou
on Mar 24 2013 22:59|
I saw the "CBS Sunday Morning" show this morning (March 24, 2013) which was a special "Money Report" issue of the show. During the show it made mention how the French-Canadian immigrants were the first people to start up a Credit Union within the United States.
I found this on Wikipedia when searching for the history of Credit Unions. It states the following:
"In the United States, St. Mary's Bank of Manchester, New Hampshire holds the distinction as the first credit union. Assisted by a personal visit from Desjardins, St. Mary's Cooperative Credit Association (now named St. Mary's Bank) was founded by French-speakingimmigrants to Manchester from the Maritime Provinces of Canada on November 24, 1908. As the leader of St. Marie's church, Monsignor Pierre Hevey was instrumental in establishing this credit union. Attorney Joseph Boivin managed the credit union, as a volunteer, out of his home in the evenings. America's Credit Union Museum now occupies the location of Boivin's home, where St. Mary's Bank first operated."
Just an interesting note of what our people have influenced our nations.